Tapachula, Chiapas, Mexico – Last week Maya Ancestral Authorities from diverse Maya nations of Mexico and Guatemala convened a three-day meeting titled, Ancestral Wisdom for the Defense of life, Mother Earth, and Her Natural Elements, from February 12 -14. The gathering is in response to the urgent threats in the region due to the hundreds of development projects causing environmental destruction and violating the rights of the Maya peoples and Mother Earth. This meeting comes just days before Pope Francis will arrive in Chiapas, Mexico. His visit will include meetings with indigenous peoples to hear their concerns regarding their human rights and protection of Mother Nature. In his Encyclical, the Pope called for indigenous peoples to be the “principle dialogue partners especially when large projects on their lands are proposed.”
From the International Justice Monitor, originally posted here.
By Sophie Beaudoin
Last Tuesday, November 24, Guatemala’s Supreme Court of Justice was scheduled to hold a hearing on the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ decision in the case of the enforced disappearance of former guerrilla commander Efrain Bamaca. However, the hearing was suspended after a motion was presented by former Colonel Julio Roberto Alpirez, who, according to prosecutors’ investigation, could have been responsible for Bamaca’s disappearance. His motion aims to force all thirteen judges sitting on the Supreme Court to recuse themselves―a motion the court will decide on in the upcoming weeks. But how the Supreme Court decides to address the Inter-American Court’s ruling could reopen a case that has been shelved for many years, regarding a crime for which no one has ever been held accountable.
Efrain Bamaca, also known as “Commander Everardo,” is one of the estimated 45,000 victims of enforced disappearance during Guatemala’s 36-year long conflict, according to a UN-backed truth commission. He was commanding the Luis Ixmata Front, operating from the guerrilla group called Organization of People in Arms (ORPA) in the south-west part of the country. During a confrontation with the army that took place on March 12, 1992, in Nuevo San Carlos municipality in Retalhuleu department, Bamaca was allegedly abducted by the army. According to witnesses, he was seen in different military installations, illegally detained and with signs of having been tortured. Although relatives have sought to locate his remains, to date his whereabouts are unknown.
At the time Bamaca was abducted, former Colonel Alpirez was head of Presidential Security Department, otherwise known as the Archivo. The Archivo was a military intelligence unit within the Presidential General Staff notorious for enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and torture. Alpirez was first indicted in 1996 for his alleged responsibility in Bamaca’s disappearance, but the charges were dropped and the case dismissed on March 8, 1999. The case was closed as a criminal preliminary judge decided that no new evidence could be brought in the future to prove accountability for the crimes.
On November 25, 2000, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights decided that the State of Guatemala had infringed the right to personal liberty, personal integrity, right to life, right to judicial protection and judicial guarantees, and its obligation to prevent and punish torture. The court ordered the state to effectively investigate the facts to identify the perpetrators, and prosecute and punish them. The court reiterated its order on February 22, 2002, when it decided on costs and reparations, and in its following resolutions monitoring the country’s compliance with the November 2000 decision.
Accordingly, on December 10, 2009, the Attorney General’s Office asked the Supreme Court to annul the 1999 closure order. On December 11, 2009, the Supreme Court of Justice argued that according to the pacta sunt servanda principle, the state could not call upon its national legislation to justify its failure to comply with its international obligation to effectively investigate grave crimes, and annulled the order that had closed the investigation related to Bamaca’s disappearance. Former Colonel Alpirez appealed the decision before the Constitutional Court. Guatemala’s highest tribunal awarded the appeal on August 25, 2010, arguing that the Supreme Court did not elaborate on the reasons why the 1999 resolution that closed the investigation was illegal, and the investigation was suspended.
Following this decision, on November 18, 2010, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights emitted a resolution to monitor national compliance with its decision from November 2000. It recalled that the nature and gravity of the crimes impeded any closure of the investigation and that the state has the obligation to eliminate all mechanisms that directly or indirectly prevent investigation and promote impunity.
Consequently, on December 21, 2010, the Attorney General’s Office, through its special unit overseeing conflict-related cases, once again requested before the Supreme Court the execution of the Inter-American Court’s decision from 2000. In a resolution dated January 18, 2011, Guatemala’s Supreme Court of Justice ruled that decisions from the international tribunal are mandatory and that all obstacles to the application of the rule of law and human rights have to be removed. The court’s criminal chamber thus annulled the preliminary judge’s decision from 1999 and re-opened the investigation to identify, prosecute, and punish the perpetrators responsible for Bamaca’s enforced disappearance.
Once more, Alpirez appealed the decision. On April 13, 2011, the Constitutional Court welcomed the appeal and ordered the Supreme Court to hold a hearing where all the parties involved, including civil parties and suspected perpetrators, will be able to argue before the court regarding how the Inter-American Court’s decision should be carried out. That hearing was scheduled to take place November 24 but was suspended when Alpirez’s defense attorney presented a recusal action against all 13 Supreme Court. The recusal motion now must be resolved before the hearing can proceed.
Relatives of the victim, including his wife, American attorney Jennifer Harbury, have been fighting for justice in Guatemala for more than 20 years. After all these years when the case seemed forgotten, the Supreme Court could re-open the investigation and individuals could finally be held accountable for Efrain Bamaca’s disappearance.
In a context in which at least 282 municipalities have reported threats of conflict on election day on September 6, UDEFEGUA urges all citizens — whether they choose to vote for a candidate, casta null or blank vote, or abstain from the process entirely — to exercise their rights peacefully.
La Unidad de Protección a Defensoras y Defensores de Derechos Humanos de Guatemala ante el proceso electoral que se realizará el domingo 6 de septiembre de 2015 a la ciudadanía guatemalteca manifiesta lo siguiente:
Guatemala atraviesa una de las crisis institucionales más grandes de su historia democrática. El sistema de corrupción perpetuado utilizando la maquinaria de partidos políticos y aprovechando el voto ciudadano ha instalado a verdaderas corporaciones mafiosas al frente del Estado guatemalteco. En las semanas anteriores al proceso electoral el país ha vivido las movilizaciones ciudadanas más grandes de las últimas décadas, trasladando el reclamo ciudadano por la transparencia hacia el clamor por detener la galopante corrupción del sistema, la dimisión del ciudadano presidente, revisar el proceso electoral y depurar los listados de candidatos de personas cuya honorabilidad está cuestionada por tener procesos penales en curso o por tener pendientes procesos de antejuicio. Todo este contexto, coloca al proceso electoral en un ambiente de fragilidad, en tanto la legitimidad de los mismos está cuestionada por distintos sectores de la sociedad.
En ese marco, hemos observado con preocupación desde el mes de mayo el aumento de agresiones a ciudadanos, defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos, que expresan su opinión ante la podredumbre de la clase política. Dichas agresiones no han sido ni prevenidas ni investigadas por las autoridades responsables, lo que ha permitido que su frecuencia y gravedad aumenten conforme se acercan las elecciones. Continue reading
The Human Rights Convergence stands in solidarity with the Center for Legal Action in Environment and Social Issues (CALAS) in the wake of recent acts of intimidation toward the organization. On July 29, an unknown man fired a series of gunshots in front of the CALAS offices. The event occurred just one day before the organization was scheduled to participate in an evidentiary hearing in order to bring the former head of security for the San Rafael mine, Alberto Rotondo, to trial for violence against community members. The Convergence is calling for a criminal investigation into these acts, and holding mining company Tahoe Resources accountable for both acts of intimidation against CALAS and acts of violence against residents who opposed the mine.
Leer el cominicado en español:
La Convergencia por los Derechos Humanos Frente a la intimidación a CALAS Manifiesta
El Centro de Acción Legal Ambiental y Social de Guatemala –CALAS–, organización de la Convergencia por los Derechos Humanos, el 29 de julio de 2015 fue objeto de actos de intimidación, en tanto que en horas de la noche, un hombre desconocido en motocicleta realizó una serie de disparos frente a la sede de dicha organización.
Este acto intimidatorio contra de CALAS se da un día previo a que se celebrara la audiencia de ofrecimiento de prueba con el objeto de llevar a juicio al señor Alberto Rotondo, quien en su calidad de gerente de seguridad de la Mina San Rafael violentara la integridad física de comunitarios del municipio de San Rafael Las Flores, Santa Rosa, Guatemala. Continue reading
According to the annual report from the Guatemalan Unit for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (UDEFEGUA), 2014 was the most violent year for human rights advocates in Guatemala, with an average of 2.2 attacks reported daily. Violence against individuals and organizations that promote human rights has been on the rise since 2013, when those opposed to the genocide trial formed what human rights groups have called ¨an alliance to promote impunity, limit freedom of expression and criminalize defenders.¨ The year also saw a sharp rise in physical attacks against defenders, where in past years, verbal or written threats had been more common.
The majority of attacks (82% of the total) were perpetrated against defenders of land and environmental rights — both against individuals and communities, as well as against reporters covering these events. It is also important to note that women activists and defenders of women’s rights have been among the most vulnerable this year. Women were victim to 54% of overall attacks against defenders, including acts of sexual harassment, an increase over previous years.
Despite the rise of violence, the government’s response has been inefficient and insufficient, and levels of impunity in Guatemala remain high. For these reasons, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights — in the case of Florentín Gudiel et al vs. Guatemala — ordered the creation of an institutionalized Protection Program for Human Rights Defenders, which could serve as a future model for the protection of human rights defenders.
UDEFEGUA 2014 Annual Report
2014 was undeniably the most violent year for people and organizations that promote human rights. The wave of violence against them has been increasing since 2013 when opposition to the genocide trial coalesced in an alliance between government actors (including the President’s office), business interests from the agriculture and extractive industries, groups of former members of the military involved in human rights violations, and right-wing extremists. This alliance was strengthened through a series of “pacts of impunity” which included strategies to criminalize public protest and limit freedom of expression. Continue reading
This year, GHRC Founder Alice Zachmann wrote a letter to our supporters, which we wanted to make available to all those who may not be on our mailing or email lists:
Dear friends of Guatemala and GHRC,
Some time has passed since I last wrote to you about our common concern for the people of Guatemala, but the situation there is never far from my mind. Though I’m no longer involved in the day-to-day operations of the Guatemala Human Rights Commission, I still serve as a member of the Advisory Board, and am still often asked why I founded the organization.
The answer to that question lies in the intertwined histories of Guatemala and my own life.
My first visit to Guatemala was in 1975. In many ways it seems so long ago, yet in other ways, such a short time ago. I traveled that first time to visit a friend, Sister Rita from my community, who was a missionary in San Lucas Toliman working to support the efforts of the people to improve their lives. After a week, I was smitten by the natural beauty of the people and the country, but appalled by the poverty, neglect and discrimination against the Mayan people. I left with the determination to help as much as I could by sending supplies to the clinic with anyone I knew going to Guatemala. I continued my ministry at a parish in St. Paul, MN until October of 1981 when I received a request from Guatemalans and returned missionaries to visit them in Washington, DC. Continue reading
An update from the Guatemalan Human Rights Protection Unit (UDEFEGUA) on the criminalization of human rights defenders in Guatemala, especially regarding recent actions taken by courts and judges which violate the minimum legal guarantees of the accused.
Comunicado por UDEFEGUA:
La segunda semana de noviembre se tornó en una donde el Sistema de Justicia muestra su participación en la persecución política a defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos.
El día jueves 13 de noviembre, el juez de primera instancia de Villa Nueva decidió enviar a juicio a Oscar Morales, líder de la resistencia en San Rafael Las Flores, por una presunta amenaza realizada al gerente de la empresa minera San Rafael, S.A. subsidiaria de la Tahoe Resources, minera canadiense. En la audiencia de imputación el juez había mostrado su parcialidad cuando ligó a proceso al defensor sin elementos de investigación. Ahora al trasladar el proceso vuelve a hacerlo sin que exista elementos de investigación claros, ya que el mismo Ministerio Público había planteado que no podía acusar al defensor. Fue claro que al trasladar el caso al Tribunal de Sentencia de Villa Nueva para que se procesa al juicio, el juez obedecía intereses privados representados por el abogado del querellante adhesivo. El día 29 de diciembre está ordenado el inicio del debate oral y público en contra de Oscar Morales. Continue reading
By Cyril Mychalejko
*Article originally published in Truthout.
Free trade agreements have not delivered promised protections to workers, as the case of Guatemalan sweatshop labor illustrates.
Juana, a 37-year-old single mother of two teenage sons, worked at a sweatshop in Guatemala that supplied clothes to more than 60 US retailers for four years.
“It was just enough to survive,” said Juana of the $1.05 hourly base wage she received at the factory. “When they paid for extra hours, one could get more resources. But it is not enough for education, housing, health, food and clothing. One does not live well with that wage. You need someone else in the family to be working, too.”
She is one of more than 1,000 mostly indigenous Mayan workers who were exploited and robbed at the Alianza Fashion Factory in the Department of Chimaltenango making garments for brands such as Macy’s, Walmart, JCPenney and Kohl’s. A worker such as Juana would have to work for more than 9,776 years to earn the $33.7 million JCPenney CEO Myron E. Ullman III made in 2012. JCPenney was Alianza’s top client in 2011.
A report published in January by the Institute for Global Labour and Human Rights and the Center for Studies and Support for Local Development (CEADEL) offers a detailed case study of the corruption, abuse and shameless profiteering that often exemplify the global supply chain, demonstrating that globalization and “free trade” do not “lift all boats” but instead build more yachts for the 1%.
“Over the last 12 years, the Alianza workers were robbed of over $6 million in wages and benefits due them, most significantly health and pension benefits through the Guatemalan Social Security Institute (IGSS),” the report states.
During those 12 years, the report estimates that more than 52 million garments were produced for export. Retailers have marked up the price from the cost of production of items as much as 550 percent.
Bong Choon Park Seo, the South Korean owner of the factory, closed Alianza in March 2013 and is being sought by the Guatemalan government, although critics question how resolutely. In the 12 years that Park owned the factory he changed its legal name four times to avoid taxes and pocket the millions of dollars of stolen wages. Continue reading
It is a warm evening here in Guatemala City. I’m in my apartment, sitting in front of the laptop, wondering how to begin this letter. It has been a long while since I’ve felt compelled to write a newsletter of any sort. What with email, Skype, Facebook, and cell phones there are now countless ways for me not to keep in touch with all of you. (Ok, I admit it… the mea culpa of non-communication.)
I’ve recently taken a good, hard look at my life in an attempt to discover which areas could use some improvement. Turns out there were a lot more than I thought. (Sigh.) One problem that stood out, however, was the fact that I have lost touch with many of you who are my foundation, my strength and my support. This is my first step towards righting that wrong.
I am now entering my 23rd year living and working in Guatemala. Which means that I’ve spent half of my life here. (I don’t know which is more shocking: the fact that I’ve spent nearly two and a half decades in Guatemala, or the fact that I’ll soon turn 46.)
For the past year I have been honored to be working with the Guatemala Human Rights Commission. Much more than a job it has been an experience, at times frightening, frustrating, exhausting, depressing, stressful, and heart-breaking… and other times moving, motivating, exciting, uplifting, and life-changing. Working with GHRC has allowed me to accompany the oppressed, defend human rights, speak out against injustices, and work alongside many of my personal heroes. I am, without a doubt, blessed.
I am also blessed to have you in my life: my family and friends. My amazing coworkers, interns and board members of GHRC. The communities of faith that support us. The incredible men and women who have visited Guatemala in delegations. And all of you who are committed to peace, justice, and human rights. I couldn’t do this without you.
And so, in a feeble attempt to repay my long overdue debt to you, I will do my best to start sharing some of these incredible stories and experiences with you. After all, they belong to you as much as they do to me.
The river was silver, reflecting the overcast sky. Riding between the smooth waters and the flat sky was like gliding across an enormous mirror. Brown pelicans skimmed the surface of the slow-flowing river. The faraway shore was covered in the mist of the retreating rains. The only sound was the rhythmic chug-chug-chug of the motor and the soft spray of the water against the bow of the boat.
Abelardo, the young man sitting in front of me, turned and said in a barely audible whisper: “This is where they found my sister”.
Guatemala: a country of beauty, a country of pain. It strikes me time and again, that some of the most beautiful places that I have ever seen… places that could easily pass for paradise… are also the sites of some of humanity’s darkest crimes and and most despicable acts.
One year ago, on February 12th, three young indigenous activists were heading home after a day of studying at the university. Every Saturday afternoon they would climb into their small boat and ride it down the Rio Dulce river to their village of Quebrada Seca. Only this time they didn’t make it home. The boat was found the next day, containing only their backpacks and a watery pool of blood. The bullet-ridden bodies of Sebastian Xuc Cac, Alberto Coc Caal, and Catalina Mucú Maas… Abelardo’s sister… were later found floating in the river. Amilcar Choc, who had simply hitched a ride in the boat, was also assassinated.
All three, despite their young age, were respected leaders in their Maya Q’eqchí community. Sebastian, 30 years old, was a teacher in the village’s school. Alberto, 26, was a spiritual guide and involved in the campesino (peasant farmer) movement. Catalina, 23, was was the first woman from Quebrada Seca to graduate from high school, and a passionate advocate for women’s rights. Together they fought to defend their community’s lands against theft by a rancher with ties to a Colombian drug cartel.
The impact of these cowardly and cruel murders is impossible to measure. Lives were prematurely ended. Spouses were widowed, families were thrown into heart-breaking grief and depression. Sebastian had five children, Alberto had three. Catalina and her husband had decided not to have children until she finished putting her younger brothers through school.
And the terrible loss doesn’t end there. Who can say what legacy these three talented, intelligent, and committed young people would have left to their village, to Guatemala, and to the world at large?
I looked into Abelardo’s eyes, and saw his anguish. Words of comfort failed me. Sometimes, in the face of pain so great, loss so overwhelming, the only option that remains is to stand in silent solidarity with the suffering. To affirm, by the mere act of being present, “you are not alone.” You are not alone in your grief. You are not alone in your struggle. You are not alone in your hope for healing and justice.
I traveled to Quebrada Seca this past weekend to accompany the families and the community in commemorating the one year anniversary of the tragedy. I was in good company, joined by friends from UDEFEGUA (the Guatemala Human Rights Defenders Unit), Encuentro Campesino, and the Fundacion Guillermo Toriello. When we arrived the entire village convened in the community center. A solemn and somber mood lay heavy on the gathering. Even the weather seemed to be in mourning. Despite the fact that we were in the middle of the dry season, dark clouds had gathered overhead. After a brief while –as if the heavens themselves couldn’t contain their grief– the skies cried and the rain came pouring down.
The commemoration was attended by every man, woman and child in the village. One of the community members read a poem that he had composed in memory of the martyred youth. Others demanded justice for the barbaric crime. Still others urged the children of the village to remember and emulate Sebastian, Alberto and Catalina’s example of selfless dedication to the greater good.
After the event we went to visit the homes of the grieving families. The torrential downpour didn’t let up. Dirt paths turned into raging rivers of mud, and the soccer field became a shallow lake. The rain-soaked ground sucked greedily at our shoes as if trying to swallow us whole, soggy-socks and all. We ended up at the home of Catalina’s family, where Abelardo and his mother served us Kak’ik, a traditional soup made from turkey, tomatoes and spices. While we gladly warmed ourselves with the delicious meal, I noticed Abelardo shifting uncomfortably in his chair. Finally he summoned up the courage to speak. “My mom is worried that she doesn’t have enough money to keep my younger brother Victor in school. Catalina was paying his studies, like she did for me. But now…” Abelardo paused, and I felt my heart go to my throat. After a moment, he continued: “I wrote this letter. I was wondering if you know of anyone who might be able to help us.” He handed over a sheet of paper containing a long hand-written letter. “I know that it’s asking a lot, but we don’t have any other option. We just want Victor to be able to finish his studies.”
Much to Abelardo’s surprise everyone started smiling. Unbeknownst to him and his family, I had a secondary purpose in visiting Quebrada Seca: to deliver scholarship funds to the children of the victims. And, in a special exception, to Catalina’s and Abelardo’s younger brother, Victor. (GHRC, with the financial support of St Margaret’s Episcopal Church in Annapolis, MD is helping to guarantee the education of 40+ children of human rights defenders throughout Guatemala who have suffered threats, attacks, or violence because of their work.)
I watched as Abelardo translated the good news into the Q’eqchí language for his mother. Various emotions flitted quickly across her face: confusion, surprise, and then, finally, relief. As I handed the funds over to the family, assuring that Victor would be able to stay in school, a single phrase sang out in my mind: I’m in the right place at the right time.
I have to admit that I get that feeling a lot. Which probably goes a long way to explaining why I have spent half of my life in Guatemala. Yes, much of this work is physically strenuous, mentally demanding, and emotionally exhausting. Yet these encounters with the survivors of humanity’s most inhumane acts move me, inspire me, and light a fire within me that all of the rain in Quebrada Seca couldn’t possibly extinguish.
And I know, without the slightest doubt, that the words of Helen Keller are true: “Although the world is full of suffering, it is also full of the overcoming of it.”
The Return of the Military (español abajo)
General Otto Pérez Molina’s ascendency to the presidency of the Republic of Guatemala has provoked frustration and sadness in some and joy in others. For those of us who lived and survived the war, this fact can be hard to understand, as the general is accused of crimes against humanity including carrying out massacres against the indigenous civilian population in the Ixil region at the beginning of the 1980s. There are also accusations of forced disappearance and extrajudicial execution such as that carried out against the insurgent Efraín Bámaca, who was captured alive and then was “disappeared.” The dark and tenebrous past of the general is benefited by his supposedly “moderate” posture within the military, which brought him to be the army’s representative during the negotiation process between the government and the insurgency and a signer of the Peace Accords, signed on the 29th of December 1996.
Despite the accusations presented against him, no case has been successful in the Guatemalan justice system. This includes the first week of January, when the criminal charges against him with the greatest chance of moving forward were dismissed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office based on the report/analysis put forth by a Peruvian army officer who serves the Prosecutor’s Office as an expert in military affairs. This report concluded that there were not elements that tied Pérez Molina to the chain of command responsible for the execution of the insurgent Efraín Bámaca. However, the report pinned the blame on other high military commanders who were also part of the criminal complaint brought by Jennifer Harbury, wife of Efraín Bámaca. The report apparently did not take into consideration the documents declassified by the State Department where Pérez Molina is mentioned as one of the people responsible for the captivity and eventual execution of the insurgent.
If the Prosecutor’s Office continues to work independently and without pressure of any nature, it’s likely that in the near future we will see other legal processes and arrests against members of the army accused of crimes against humanity. The arrival of Claudia Paz y Paz as the Attorney General has allowed the Prosecutor’s Office to move forward professionally and independently in many cases which were bogged down/shelved in the justice system. The advances in the investigations has allowed some military men to be captured, taken to jail and charges brought against them such as the case of the Kaibiles who participated in the massacre of Dos Erres as well as Francisco Arrendondo who led the feared “Command Six” of the National Police in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Other high ranking officers, soldiers and civilians have been sentenced, and others are facing charges for crimes committed in the past.
These open processes against military men and civilians have provoked the rage of retired military officers and ultra right-wing civilians who fear that they will be charged in the future or that their names will come to light and they will be connected to the investigations. These conservative sectors, accustomed to impunity, have launched a dirty campaign against the Attorney General. This campaign is meant to rid the Prosecutor’s Office of the Attorney General and thus stop the cases and other investigations which are being carried out. The dirty campaign consists of tying members of her family with the old insurgency, trying to create the idea that she is biased and only interested in damaging the military. As part of the same campaign, these ultra conservative groups have filed complaints with the Prosecutor’s Office against those who they claim belonged to the old guerillas, hoping in this way to equate the crimes against humanity committed by the army with those of the guerillas. The conservative groups have put together and presented to the press lists of the supposedly implicated, many of whom died long ago or were children when the crimes occurred, as is the case of the columnists and human rights defenders. These lists seem to send a message of terror to those who are still alive, in the style of the death squads who functioned with the help of the State and ultra conservative civilians during the war years and who are responsible for many of the forced disappearances.
It is very likely that these right-wing groups feel encouraged and emboldened by the arrival of General Otto Pérez Molina to the presidency in Guatemala. This step is not just the arrival of a military commander. His entire inner circle is also made up of military men who have accompanied him throughout his long military career. The security institutions, such as the Interior Ministry, the Secretary of Administrative Affairs and Guatemala’s Presidential Security, just to mention the closest, are all now controlled by military men. In this way, it doesn’t seem to be just that a military man is assuming the presidency, but that it is a return of the military men and the counterinsurgent military officers who are accused of committing the worst crime—bringing about the last genocide on the American continent.
Without a doubt, the institution which will face the most difficulty will be the Prosecutor’s Office and the Attorney General, which will have to closely follow the support offered by the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) to the institutions charged with justice as well as the willingness of the new government to request the extension of the CICIG at the end of his time in office. Human rights defenders will surely be under the microscope of the ultra right-wing groups and, why not add, of the military and civil intelligence apparatus.
It appears that the future will continue to be difficult, civil society will have the complicated task of making sure the precarious rule of law is not turned back and will have to look to alliances with the international community to fortify the routes to denounce and pressure the new government. It seems that the international community, especially the countries which assisted with peace process, do not look favorably on the ascendency of a military officer to the presidency. This was clear from the lack of participation by heads of state and international delegations in the inauguration on the 14th of January. This could mean that the international community will closely follow the developments and steps taken by the new government, especially those which impact or violate human rights in the country.
Those of us Guatemalans who live outside the country, especially those of us who reside in the United States, will have the task of closely following the developments in the country and helping civil society with their just demands. It will be vital in this new period to fortify alliances with groups interested in Guatemala. For us, recipients of the Voiceless Speak Fund, who are working to keep war crimes from languishing in impunity, this could mean an opportunity to seek alliances with different sectors of whatever country we find ourselves in. We can participate more actively in bringing representatives of civil society in Guatemala to this country to denounce or share their experiences with their counterparts and taking delegations of various sectors of the social movement in this country travel to Guatemala to know, first hand, the developments and history of the country.
The Voiceless Speak Program opens opportunities to us survivors to help us continue denouncing the crimes against humanity carried out by the military with the complicity of many civilians. We have to knock on many doors—universities, religious groups, community groups, and unions— looking for youth, men and women to educate them about our history. Or obligation as survivors will continue to be the quest for justice through legal mechanisms, and to continue denouncing the crimes of the past to preserve memory and truth.
El retorno de los militares
La llegada a la presidencia de la republica de Guatemala del general Otto Pérez Molina ha provocado frustración y tristeza en muchos. Para los que vivimos y sobrevivimos la guerra éste hecho puede ser difícil de entender porque el general está acusado de delitos de lesa humanidad como ordenar masacres contra población civil indígena en el área Ixil a principios de la década de los 80´s. También hay señalamientos de desapariciones forzadas y ejecución extrajudicial como la llevada a cabo contra el insurgente Efraín Bámaca quien fue capturado vivo y luego desaparecido. El oscuro y tenebroso pasado del general se ve beneficiado por su postura aparentemente “moderada” dentro del ejército lo cual lo llevo a ser representante del ejército en el proceso de negociaciones entre el Estado y la Insurgencia y signatario de los Acuerdos de Paz firmados el 29 de diciembre de 1996.
Pese a las acusaciones presentadas en su contra ningún caso a prosperado en la justicia guatemalteca, incluso la primera semana de enero del presente año una de las demandas en su contra con mayores posibilidades de avanzar fue desestimada por el Ministerio Público (MP) basándose en un informe/análisis elaborado por un militar peruano que trabaja para el MP en calidad de experto en asuntos militares. Dicho informe concluye que no hay elementos que vinculen a Pérez Molina en la cadena de mando responsable por la ejecución del insurgente Efraín Bámaca. Sin embargo, el informe sí señala como responsables a otros altos mandos del ejército que forman parte de la denuncia presentada por Jennifer Harbury, viuda del insurgente Efraín Bámaca. El informe aparentemente no tomó en consideración los documentos desclasificados del Departamento de Estado donde sí se menciona a Pérez Molina como uno de los responsables del cautiverio y posterior ejecución del insurgente. Si el Ministerio publico continúa trabajando independientemente y sin presiones de ninguna índole es probable que en el futuro cercano podamos ver otros procesos legales y arrestos contra militares acusados por crímenes de lesa humanidad. La llegada de Claudia Paz y Paz como fiscal general ha permitido que el MP avance profesionalmente e independientemente en muchos casos que estaban atorados/engavetados en el sistema de justicia, el avance de las investigaciones ha permitido que algunos militares hayan sido capturados, se encuentren en la cárcel y enfrenten procesos legales como el caso de los kaibiles que participaron en la masacre de Las Dos Erres y de Francisco Arredondo quien dirigió el temible comando seis de la policía nacional a finales de los 70´s y principios de los 80´s. Otros militares de alto rango, soldados y civiles han sido condenados y otros enfrentan procesos por crímenes cometidos el conflicto armado interno.
Estos procesos abiertos contra militares y civiles ha provocado la ira de militares retirados y civiles de ultra derecha que tienen miedo a ser procesados en el futuro o de que sus nombres salgan a luz y se les vincule en las investigaciones. Estos sectores conservadores acostumbrados a la impunidad han lanzado una campaña sucia contra la fiscal general, dicha campaña tiene como objetivos: sacar a la fiscal general del MP y de esta manera detener los procesos abiertos y otras investigaciones que se puedan estar realizando. La campaña sucia consiste en vincular a miembros de su familia con la antigua insurgencia, pretendiendo así crear la idea de que ella es parcial y sólo tiene interés de dañar al ejército. Como parte de la misma campaña estos grupos de ultra derecha han presentado denuncias en el MP contra civiles a quienes ellos acusan de haber pertenecido a la antigua guerrilla, buscando de esta manera equiparar/igualar los crímenes de lesa humanidad que cometió el ejercito con los de la guerrilla. Estos grupos elaboraron y presentaron a los medios de comunicación las listas de los supuestos implicados, muchos de los cuales murieron hace mucho tiempo o eran niñas cuando los hechos ocurrieron como es el caso de dos columnistas de medios escritos y defensoras de derechos humanos. Estas listas parecieran llevar el mensaje de atemorizar a los que están vivos, al estilo de los escuadrones de la muerte que funcionaron con apoyo del Estado y civiles de ultra derecha durante los años de la guerra y que son responsables de muchas de las desapariciones forzadas.
Es muy probable que estos grupos de derecha se sientan animados y envalentonados con la llegada del general Otto Pérez Molina a la presidencia y es que no se trata de la llegada de un militar sino que todo su círculo cercano son militares que lo han acompañado a lo largo de su carrera militar. Las instituciones de seguridad como el Ministerio de Gobernación, la Secretaría de Asuntos Administrativos y de Seguridad de la Presidencia de Guatemala (SAAS), el secretario del Consejo Nacional de Seguridad y su Secretario Privado, sólo por mencionar a los más cercanos son militares. De esta forma pareciera que nos es un militar el que va a asumir la presidencia del país, sino que es el regreso de los militares y de los militares contrainsurgentes, aquellos acusados de cometer los peores crímenes: llevar a cabo el último genocidio en el continente americano.
Sin duda la institución que probablemente enfrentará más dificultades será el Ministerio Público y su fiscal general, habrá que seguir muy de cerca el apoyo que pueda seguir dando la Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG) a las instituciones encargadas de la justicia, así como de la voluntad del nuevo gobierno de solicitar la ampliación de la CICIG al culminar su mandato. Los defensores de derechos humanos seguramente estarán bajo la lupa de los grupos de ultra derecha y porque no decirlo de los aparatos inteligencia militar y civil. El futuro seguirá siendo difícil, la sociedad civil tendrá una tarea complicada de vigilar que el precario Estado de Derecho no retroceda y tendrá que buscar alianzas en la comunidad internacional para fortalecer las vías de denuncia y presión sobre el nuevo gobierno. Pareciera que la comunidad internacional, particularmente los países que apoyaron el proceso de paz no ven con buenos ojos la llegada de un militar a la presidencia. Esto fue evidente con la escasa participación de Jefes de Estado y de delegaciones internacionales en la toma de posesión el pasado 14 de enero. Esto podría significar que la comunidad internacional estará vigilante de los acontecimientos y medidas que tome el nuevo gobierno, en particular aquellos que afecten o violen los derechos humanos en el país.
Los guatemaltecos que vivimos en el extranjero particularmente los que residimos en Estados Unidos tendremos la tarea de seguir muy de cerca los acontecimientos en el país y apoyar a la sociedad civil en sus justas demandas, será vital en este nuevo periodo fortalecer alianzas con grupos interesados en Guatemala. Para nosotros, los becarios del Voiceless Speak Fund que estamos interesados que los crímenes de la guerra no queden en la impunidad puede significar una oportunidad para buscar alianzas con diferentes sectores en cualquier parte del país en que nos encontremos, podemos tener una participación más activa buscando que representantes de la sociedad civil guatemalteca viajen a este país a denunciar o trasmitir sus experiencias con sus semejantes. Y que delegaciones de diferentes sectores del movimiento social de éste país viaje a Guatemala a conocer de primera mano los acontecimientos y la historia del país. El programa de Voiceless Speak Fund abre la oportunidad y facilita que nosotros los sobrevivientes/supervivientes podamos continuar denunciando los crímenes de lesa humanidad que llevaron a cabo militares con la complicidad de muchos civiles. Tendremos que tocar muchas puertas: universidades, grupos religiosos, grupos comunitarios, sindicatos, buscar a los jóvenes, hombres y mujeres y educarles de nuestra historia. Nuestra obligación como sobrevivientes/supervivientes seguirá siendo la búsqueda de la justicia a través de los mecanismos legales, continuar denunciando los crímenes del pasado para preservar la memoria y la verdad.